The Elimination of Dual Citizenship in Nicaragua: Ortega and Murillo’s Latest Attempt to Silence Political Opposition
In January 2026, Nicaragua’s National Assembly ratified a constitutional amendment eliminating dual citizenship, only months after the country’s new Constitution entered into force. In this article, Juan Sebastián Chamorro examines how the prohibition of dual citizenship fits within a broader project of constitutional manipulation and transnational repression, arguing that the measure is intended to sever exiled dissidents’ legal and political ties to Nicaragua and to consolidate a dynastic regime grounded in arbitrary power and systematic human rights violations.
The new Constitution of Nicaragua, promulgated in February 2025, may have set a global record not only for its eccentricity and authoritarian design, but also for the speed with which it was amended. Less than three months after entering into force, in May 2025, the co-dictators of Nicaragua, Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, once again reformed their own recent Constitution to eliminate dual citizenship in the country. Ratified by the National Assembly on 14 January 2026, this amendment underscores both the improvised nature of the constitutional process and the instrumental role that constitutional law now plays in sustaining authoritarian power in Nicaragua.
The immediate motivation for reforming the new Constitution was strikingly mundane: the regime had failed to include, in its brand-new Constitution, an explicit prohibition of dual citizenship. This omission was quickly corrected by amending Articles 23 and 25 to eliminate dual citizenship, except for Central American citizens by birth residing in Nicaragua. Given the sheer volume of rights eliminated or severely restricted in the 2025 Constitution, the oversight is perhaps unsurprising. Nonetheless, the remedy was swift and very typical of the dictatorial couple. The constitutional amendment, requiring approval by two consecutive legislatures, was passed unanimously by the National Assembly in record time, confirming the co-optation of Nicaragua’s legislative branch by the executive.
Indeed, the National Assembly itself had already been degraded by the very Constitution it was tasked with amending. The 2025 constitutional text effectively abolished the separation of powers, stripping the legislature of its autonomy and reconstituting it as a mere “organ” subordinated to the dictators. In this institutional framework, constitutional reform no longer reflects deliberation or representation, but rather executive orders followed by legislative obedience.
This episode must be understood within the broader trajectory of constitutional manipulation carried out by Ortega since his return to power in 2007. Over nearly two decades, successive constitutional reforms have systematically violated minimum democratic standards. None of these reforms involved meaningful public consultation, let alone a national referendum. In 2025, dissatisfied with incremental amendments, Ortega and Murillo opted instead to draft an entirely new Constitution, one explicitly tailored to consolidate their personal and political control.
The resulting document eliminated the figure of a single President and replaced it with two “Co-Presidents,” a constitutional innovation without precedent in democratic systems. This arrangement formalized the de facto concentration of power already exercised by Ortega and Murillo and removed even the symbolic constraints of republican governance. A more detailed analysis of this absolutist constitutional architecture can be found in my earlier article.
Expanding transnational repression by eliminating dual citizenship
Within this authoritarian framework, the elimination of dual citizenship is not a technical or administrative measure. It is a deliberate political weapon designed to punish dissent, particularly among Nicaraguans in exile. For years, Ortega has sought, largely unsuccessfully, to neutralize political actors who were forced to flee the country. This constitutional reform aims to sever their legal and emotional ties to Nicaragua by stripping them of their nationality, thereby excluding them permanently from political life.
This is not the first time the Ortega regime has weaponized nationality. On 9 February 2023, the regime released 222 political prisoners, including this author, and deported us to the United States. In an unprecedented act, Ortega simultaneously stripped all of us of our Nicaraguan nationality. To enable this action, the regime hastily reformed the Constitution by amending Article 21 to state that people declared “traitors to the homeland” lose their Nicaraguan citizenship. That reform marked the beginning of a systematic policy of political punishment through denationalization.
Subsequently, in February 2023, an additional group of 94 political dissidents in exile was also stripped of their nationality. Many of us rendered stateless were later granted citizenship by Spain or Chile as a humanitarian response. Beyond these formal acts of denationalization, the regime has created thousands of de facto stateless persons by preventing Nicaraguans from returning to their country, denying passports and consular services, or arbitrarily cancelling identity documents.
The prohibition of dual citizenship must also be situated within Ortega and Murillo’s broader strategy of transnational repression.
The prohibition of dual citizenship must also be situated within Ortega and Murillo’s broader strategy of transnational repression. At least six opposition figures in exile have been assassinated or survived attempted assassinations. Among the most notorious cases are the two assassination attempts against former army officer Joao Maldonado in San José, Costa Rica, and the murder of retired Major Roberto Samcam, who was killed in his own home in the same city. These acts demonstrate that exile offers no protection from the regime’s reach.
The justification and impact of the measure
The regime’s justification for the reform was revealing. In its official explanation, the regime declared that nationality is “not an administrative process, but a pact of loyalty,” asserting that anyone who acquires another nationality and swears allegiance to a foreign state “breaks the legal and moral bond with Nicaragua.” The regime concluded that “there can be no double allegiance; the homeland demands exclusive commitment.”
This statement constitutes an explicit confession of arbitrary deprivation of nationality based on political criteria, in violation of international law. Citizenship, under international human rights standards, cannot be conditioned on ideological loyalty to a government or ruling party. No legal challenges to this reform are expected within Nicaragua. As with the legislature, the judiciary has been stripped of independence and transformed into another subordinate “organ” of the executive branch.
When the constitutional reform was announced in May of 2025, it generated widespread anxiety and outrage across Nicaraguan society. Since the socio-political crisis of 2018, more than 700,000 Nicaraguans have fled the country, representing approximately 10% of the population. This is in addition to an estimated one million Nicaraguans already living in exile since the 1979 revolution. The announcement provoked indignation even among regime supporters, many of whom have close relatives abroad.
Initial signals from the regime suggested that the reform would retroactively strip nationality from hundreds of thousands of Nicaraguans who had already acquired a second citizenship under long-standing bilateral agreements. This possibility triggered an immediate backlash from the Nicaraguan diaspora, particularly in Florida, Costa Rica, and Spain. After several days of intense criticism, the regime clarified that the provision would not be retroactive and would apply only to future cases. So far, there have not been any reported cases.
The new constitutional provision remains a powerful tool that can be selectively applied if, and when, the regime deems it politically expedient.
However, the Ortega regime has consistently demonstrated that legal assurances, such as ensuring that reforms would not apply retroactively, offer little protection against arbitrary enforcement. The new constitutional provision remains a powerful tool that can be selectively applied if, and when, the regime deems it politically expedient.
The measure is clearly aimed at those who have recently left Nicaragua, overwhelmingly political dissidents, who are in the process of seeking citizenship abroad. While no official figures exist, the number of individuals pursuing a second nationality likely reaches into the hundreds of thousands. This figure increases significantly when considering minors born in Nicaragua who would automatically lose their original nationality upon naturalization elsewhere.
The human consequences of this policy are profound. Arbitrary deprivation of nationality inflicts long-lasting logistical, economic, social, and emotional harm. Victims lose access to civil registries, identity documents, property rights, pensions, and social security benefits. Families are separated, marriages are invalidated, and individuals are erased from the legal existence of their country of origin. Thousands of Nicaraguans now face a dilemma: apply for citizenship abroad to secure basic rights or retain their nationality while remaining legally vulnerable.
This policy is particularly perverse given Nicaragua’s economic dependence on its diaspora. Remittances account for approximately 30 percent of Nicaragua’s GDP, one of the highest proportions in the region. The regime is effectively punishing the very citizens who sustain the national economy. The contradiction is explained by political fear. Ortega and Murillo seek total political control: dissent is punished with imprisonment, expulsion, or erasure; those who remain are expected to submit.
The new Constitution's objectives
More broadly, the 2025 Constitution serves two overarching objectives. First, it seeks to institutionalize and legalize nearly two decades of authoritarian rule. Fundamental rights, including due process, property rights, and economic freedoms, have been altered or eliminated. The Constitution explicitly subordinates international human rights treaties, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to domestic authoritarian norms.
Silencing opposition abroad is (...) essential to preventing future political competition during a potential transition.
Second, the Constitution aims to consolidate a dynastic regime. Rosario Murillo’s elevation to the co-presidency without elections is designed to ensure continuity in the event of Ortega’s death. At 80 years old and reportedly in fragile health, Ortega has increasingly delegated power to his wife and children. Their son, Laureano Ortega Murillo, an opera singer with no diplomatic training, has been entrusted with key responsibilities, including relations with China. Silencing opposition abroad is therefore essential to preventing future political competition during a potential transition. People with dual citizenship living in Nicaragua will also be affected.
This reform also occurs amid shifting regional and international dynamics. Following the extradition of Nicolás Maduro, Ortega’s closest ally, the United States has adopted a firmer diplomatic posture toward Managua. Recent messages from the U.S. embassy have emphasized the release of more than 60 political prisoners, many held in conditions amounting to enforced disappearance. Notably, the regime has responded with restrained rhetoric and the release of 19 political prisoners on 10 January 2026, marking the 19th anniversary of Ortega’s return to power.
Conclusion
The elimination of dual citizenship must be unequivocally condemned by the international community. So far, this reform has attracted very little attention from human rights organizations. It is not merely an expression of exclusionary nationalism, but a deliberate act of political persecution codified in the new Constitution. Citizenship cannot be contingent on loyalty to a ruling couple. This measure alone should suffice to trigger international accountability mechanisms against Ortega and Murillo, such as a criminal case against the couple in international courts. The United Nations Group of Experts on Human Rights in Nicaragua has extensively documented, as an independent party, these and other violations by the Ortega-Murillo regime.
Ultimately, this latest attempt to silence dissent abroad reflects not strength, but fear. It is a classic tactic of late-stage authoritarianism: once all domestic political space has been eliminated, repression expands beyond national borders. In Nicaragua’s case, fear is now imposed not only on those who remain under repression at home, but also on the millions of Nicaraguans scattered across the globe.
About the Author
Juan Sebastián Chamorro is a Nicaraguan economist, businessman and politician. Previously, he served as Vice Minister of Finance and Minister of Planning of Nicaragua. He was a candidate for president in the 2021 Nicaraguan general election and a political prisoner for almost two years. He is currently a Visiting Professor of Latin American Studies at Tulane University.
Suggested Citation
Juan Sebastián Chamorro, ‘The Elimination of Dual Citizenship in Nicaragua: Ortega and Murillo’s Latest Attempt to Silence Political Opposition’, ConstitutionNet, International IDEA, 2 February 2026, https://constitutionnet.org/news/voices/elimination-dual-citizenship-nicaragua
Further Reading
- Updates on constitutional developments in Nicaragua.
- Juan Sebastián Chamorro, Nicaragua: A New Absolutist Constitution Tailor-Made for an Authoritarian Couple.
- International IDEA, Designing Resistance: Democratic Institutions and the Threat of Backsliding.
- International IDEA, Time, Space and Information: Lessons Learned from the Abuse of Law to Attack Civic Space.
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